Does the Policymaking Is the Preserve of Decision-Making Elites Essay

Does the Policymaking Is the Preserve of Decision-Making Elites - Essay Example This paper illustrates that to suggest that public policy is a technical aspect of politics is insufficient, instead it should be viewed as a multi-faceted, interactive system that is directly influenced by social and political inputs that are highly diverse. For elite policymakers to promote only a singular agenda which is aligned with elitist perspectives would lead to backlash or outrage by other societal stakeholders (i.e. community citizens or special interest groups). Hence, to state that policymaking is the preserve of elitist groups would be both irresponsible and impractical. This essay explores the notion of policy-making under an elitist agenda, offering case studies which refute the notion that bargaining, negotiation, and accommodations cannot supersede an elitist agenda. A policy is a shared resource with many multi-faceted inputs influencing policy, including the responsibility to maintain social cohesion and responding to different systemic pressures that impact multi ple societal stakeholders. Elite statesmen maintain the absolute responsibility to incorporate conceptions of brotherhood, justice, social cohesion and ensuring the proper allocation of states’ resources to provide the most benefit to all society members that maintain a vested interest in policy-making outcomes. The idea that a single elitist group can create the policy that preserves its own ideas and intended outcomes of policy does not take into consideration that maintaining unitary power in policy-making would be challenged by other societal stakeholders that have the ability to pressure or coerce policy outcomes. One can consider a policy-making situation in New Haven, Connecticut in which there were imbalanced power resources (such as wealth, knowledge and social standing) in a policy-making scenario. Even in an environment in which voters were apathetic and power resources were concentrated with the privileged and influential, city politicians considered demands impos ed by activists to develop the relevant public policy that would satisfy not only the agenda of the privileged politicians but a broader group of stakeholders as well. This represents the notion of pluralism in policy-making that must respond to diverse needs and expectations which may not always be congruent with elitist agenda.

Much Ad About Nothing Essay Example for Free

Much Ad About Nothing Essay Write about the ways in which Shakespeare presents the relationship between Beatrice and Benedick in Much Ado About Nothing and compare it with the ways in which relationships are presented in ‘Sonnet 130’, ‘Sonnet 43’ and ‘Salome’. In Much Ado About Nothing, Shakespeare presents an interesting relationship between the characters of Beatrice and Benedick. We can compare their relationships with the poems ‘Sonnet 130’, ‘Sonnet 43’ and ‘Salome’ and the relationships presented in them. Although Shakespeare includes a conventional relationship between Hero and Claudio, he also decides to involve a different affair between Beatrice and Benedick. One of these moments where we can begin to understand their relationship is during the First Meeting. In Act 1 Scene 1, Benedick uses imagery of a bird to mock Beatrice. On line 126, Benedick says to Beatrice â€Å"Well, you are a rare parrot-teacher†. Benedick could be mocking Beatrice by suggesting that she can’t say anything original and only copies what others say, therefore relating to the imagery of a parrot. However, the word ‘rare’ shows that Benedick recognises the unique characteristics of Beatrice and that she is standing out from the crowd, consequently hinting his disguised love for her. Additionally, this quotation also relates to the context of time as women, in those days, could be punished for talking too much. Benedick could be taking advantage of the conventions of time to put Beatrice in her place in their relationship with each other. The parrot imagery can also relate to a poem called Sonnet 130. This is because, in Sonnet 130, the poe t says â€Å"I love to hear her speak, yet well i know, That music hath a far more pleasing sound;†. We can link the first phrase of Sonnet 130 with Benedicks quote of a ‘rare’ parrot-teacher. By including the word rare before the imagery of a bird, suggests that although Beatrice may talk too much, Benedick still enjoys listening to her speak hence relating to Sonnet 130 â€Å"I love to hear her speak†. As well as this, the second line of Sonnet 130 â€Å"that music hath far more a pleasing sound† links to why Benedick uses the imagery of a bird to mock Beatrice in the first place. As he includes the phrase ‘parrot-teacher’, it indicates that even though he enjoys listening to her speak, perhaps as she speaks too much, means that there are better things to  be heard. Overall, within the First Meeting of Beatrice and benedick, Shakespeare begins an interesting relationship causing the audience to be intrigued and persuaded to keep watching. Shakespeare proceeds with their relationship in Scene 1 Act 11 at the Masked Ball. Here, Benedick and Beatrice are presented as hostile towards one another as Benedick is masked, unable to reveal his identity, as Beatrice is basically insulting him while pretending that she doesn’t know who he really is. She says that Benedick will â€Å"break a comparison or two on me, which peradventure not marked, or not laughed at, strikes him into melancholy, and then there’s a partridge wing saved, for the fool will eat no supper that night.† She is making the case that benedick is so weak-minded that no one will laugh at his jokes. Then Benedick will be so upset that no one listens to his witty comparisons that he loses his appetite and is unable even to eat a partridge wing, which would be a small meal anyway. But perhaps the idea of consuming food could be changed to create a more interesting insight of Beatrice’s insult. Beatrice could also be saying that Benedick is weak but has lost his appetite not for food but for life because he is regarded so low by his friends. It could also be a reference to Benedick losing his sexual appetite. In Beatrice’s quote, she uses a powerful metaphor to insult Benedick’s manhood. This would be particularly astonishing given the context of time: women were expected to say less than men. However, in this scene Beatrice is particularly outspoken by saying something which is immensely rude; this is completely going against the conventions of time. Beatrice would also be living up to the expectation at the time as women were more sexual than men and would be prone to having affairs and ultimately cuckolding men. We could compare Benedick and Beatrice relationship throughout the Masked Ball with the poem ‘Salome’. Salome presents someone who is confessing to something that they are guilty of. One line says ‘cut out the booze and the fags and the sex.’ This indicates that the person is wanting to lose their appetite for sex whereas within Beatrice’s insult towards Benedick, it refers to a possibility of Benedick losing his sexual appetite without wanting to. Furthermore, we could link when Beatrice says ‘for the fool will eat no supper tonight’ to another quote from Salome: ‘was his head on a platter’. Perhaps when Beatrice says that Benedick will have no supper, she could really mean that he is the supper.

A Theory On Nation Building Politics Essay

A Theory On Nation Building Politics Essay There are different theories of nation-building and state-building that explain how a state and nation should be built. Most of the theories take their point of departure from Western models of state that is often inappropriate for African countries.  [1]   Nation-building has emerged in 19th century from nationalism in Italy and Germany and continued by external actors in post-WWII  [2]  in Germany and Japan. However, it is difficult to speak about nation-building in those two countries, as their nations; with strong cultural and ethnic bonds, already existed and focused more on building of democratic institutions. The conditions for nation-building, including homogeneity of the population, were much more positive than they are in Africa.  [3]  Due to this fact, this model is insufficient to explain the complexity of the situation in Somalia. Therefore we have decided to use a theory that encompasses also importance of element of nation, national identity and its integrity together with state-building. On the one hand, nation-building is a process of socio-political development. This, at least ideally, shall bring loosely linked communities together, becoming one society. This process can start off of political, economical, social, cultural or other reasons. As this process can involve extremely different dimensions, positively (economical integration) as well as negatively (repressions like ethnic cleansing) it is not clear that nation-building actually is successful.  [4]   On the other hand, it is a political objective as well as a strategy. This means that either internal or external players try to create a system that is constituted under a nation-state. Then, the term nation-building has a rather programmatic or conceptional character and cannot be used for analysing the political and social process. Therefore, this objective or strategy is mainly used in a development strategy in order to serve nation-building.  [5]   However different these two definitions are, there are three core elements counting for both: integrative ideology, integration of a society and development of a functional state (state-building). For a successful nation-building, this results in a triangle, Hippler argues, having state-building, social integration and ideological legitimacy at its corners, of which all corners need to be fulfilled. Some aspects of the elements can be introduced and provided from outside, while others can only be built from inside, such as ideological legitimacy.  [6]  Now we will describe different element in their theoretical perspective. Integrative ideology To begin with, there is a need to stem from an integrative ideology in order to build up a national feeling and give the people, through this, a national identity. Therefore, a common ground for all different groups in this emerging nation needs to be found. This could be, for example, religion, language or history. Obviously, the more in common, the bigger is the chance to build up one society. It is important to state, that, in this case, ideology should be understood in neutral terms as systems of thought and fundamental philosophies that explain the past, present and future according to certain value models.  [7]  When we look closer on the national identity, we can find several definitions. We have decided to connect two of them theoretically. One describes modern approach critically and It is also very important that this ideology comprises ideas applicable to everyone and idea of national cohesion must be stronger than the idea of separation.  [8]  Connecting ideology with national identity, different people have their own individual identities. As long as the primary identity and loyalty lies with the tribe, clan or an ethnic or ethnoreligious group and the national identity level remains subordinate or missing, a nation-state will continue to be precarious.  [9]   Crucial role in the formation of nation is played by government, elite or ruler. There are different criteria that government has to meet in the process of nation-building. First of all, government has to examine what has been done in the past, to be able to make people believe in better future. For example if the collapsed ruling regime left people hurt and full of distrust in the government, this fact has to be taken into considerations when building a nation. Therefore confidence in state institutions destroyed  [10]  should be prognosis for better future. Another influential element is population actually has to be willing to cooperate, to be motivated in creating, supporting and shaping the nation.  [11]  Finally, concept of nation has to fulfill different criteria in the perception of the people: centrality and extent nation-building shouldà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦occupy a central position in peoples everyday political and social lives?à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ association with other issues on the agenda connecting with the experiences of the target groups narrative familiarity flexibility and openness to change With clever policies and respect for the differences between different social groups in the nation, government can successfully develop a strong national identity and nation-building process. Integration of society Integration of society in the nation is very important element of nation-building. In post-colonial states it is usually understood in connection with democracy and third wave of democratisation. The nation-building was accompanied by high expectations from the West and in many post-colonial countries different ethnic groups are gaining meaning in the changing institutional system.  [12]   Generally, we define three models of national unity, that will help us to understand how in divided societies nation-building can take place. Those are: Imperium, Culturally homogenous nation of modern age and Pluricultural integration. In the imperium, there is a set hierarchy, while religion is dominated by the ruling elite. There is no necessary desire for unified culture and communication. Integration is achieved through differences.  [13]  Looking at culturally homogenous nation of modern age, we can see patterns of secularisation keeping culture and religion apart from the state. Culture of the majority or elite is, again, supported. Nation-building processes are underpinned by regulated norms.  [14]  In the last model, the pluricultural integration, minorities are oppressed and discriminated and have to struggle for recognition of their rights. This is mostly a case in multi-ethnic and multi-lingual societies that are taking account of cultural and religious diversity .  [15]   The evolution of democracy in developing countries is challenging and demands of different ethnic leaders make processes of nation-building in these countries even more fragile. But very important fact that there are efforts for building new architecture of democracy  [16]  That means that there are bigger emphasis on the ethnicity and ethnic equality and therefore these ideas counteract centralist/assimilatory tendencies  [17]  Four democratic innovations for states in inner conflict concordance, local representation, federalism and cultural autonomy. Concordance is a model that allows representatives of all important groups to participate in the political decision-making process  [18]  , offering large variety of institutional forms. Advantage of this form is creation of coalitions, where different groups have to cooperate to reach their goals. This model is of use when there is no strong majority to rule, because otherwise there is no need for coalition. Local representation represents most diverse representation of minorities possible  [19]  . It is also significant in the way that minorities are usually represented by their own representatives. In the elections, ethnic groups are finding coalitions and ways to cooperate and to enforce their interests. However, this model can deepen ethnic differences and policies might be strongly influences by individual ethnic interests instead of the ones of whole society.  [20]   Federalism offers different groups equal power but also identical rules to be followed. Groups deal with their matters individually, what makes system more flexible, decentralized and minorities more secure. On the other side, there is a danger of secession, where demands for greater autonomy can be continually rising.  [21]  FIND MORE The last model, cultural autonomy, is very focused to preserve and strengthen the identity of minorities  [22]  . There is emphasis on local languages and religions that are also considered to be official languages. That gives minorities ability to take care of their affairs individually, but on the other side, to deepen the differences between the groups (might not be an issue deals with minority language, legal pluralism) However, although state-building being a part of nation-building, it is important to distinguish between both of them: While state-building is focused only on building state institutions etc. a functional state apparatus nation-building is in many states a pre-requirement needed to be fulfilled before.  [23]  Especially in European countries, where a national identity already exists, only the state needs to be built around it. We can also observe this phenomenon, when we look upon the history of the modern (and in this case European) nation-state, where first a nation existed from which then a nation-state emerged. In post-colonial countries, in opposite, demarcations were made by the former colonial powers on interest lines and not according to ethnic groups, tribes or similar communities. This means in many cases, that a country either includes many different ethnic groups with different backgrounds, or that one ethnic group is spread in more than one country. This leads to arguments how a state should be governed and, through this, to weak states or weak state institutions. The political elements contain the nation-state and a high level of social mobilisation and political integration, which are, although not the central elements, some of the most important. Therefore, methods like material incentives (e.g. public service employment), cultural means (e.g. educational system and language policy) and compulsion need to be applied. Furthermore, when a government is finally introduced, it needs to consolidate its own position in the society.  [24]   The social mobility also needs to be built up, either in a bottom-up or top-down model. This implements that all members of society need to be involved, especially in the political and ideological process of shaping the nation. This is often a big change, as most weak states were formerly governed by only one part of the society which excluded/repressed the rest of the population. As everyone is supposed to participate, in this period of time, at least some democratic dialogue will take place. However, it is possible that the newly formed nation will in this dialogue agree on some authoritarian or totalitarian form of governance.  [25]   In this dialogue of constituting a nation, dormant conflicts will wake up, especially in the former excluded part of society. This might turn out to be more serious, when it is not clear who belongs to the nation. The problem arises especially, when the conflict is ethnically motivated (for instance because of the language or religion). Then, nation-building easily becomes repressive and lowers the social participation in the political discourse. There is also a need for the redistribution of power: old social and political structures will be (need to be?) destroyed, while new ones will be built up. This means, that, where local governments had most power, Hippler argues, a centralised government with a good local anchoring might be an advantage, as this ensures that new persons will take over.  [26]   As nation-building needs at least to some extend external help, especially in regards of providing security and building up a functioning infrastructure, the countrys government either needs to invite the international community, or this needs to intervene.  [27]  However, as the states of the international community will only act in a failing state if they see some advantage in it, there needs to be a trigger. This trigger could be for economic (the intervention of the USA to Iraq in 2003), security (the intervention of the NATO to Afghanistan in 2001) or for political and historical reasons (the intervention of the NATO in the Former Yugoslavian Republics in the 1990s).  [28]   The goal for intervening is not or not primarily nation-building; it needs to be seen as a necessity for reaching another goal. For example did the USA plan to leave Iraq after half a year and only realised after the end of the (official) war that it will take several years to build a nation and rebuild institutions.  [29]  This explains, why nation-building in many cases is only improvised, incontinent and lacks of preparation, as the war does not only destroy the balance of power in the intervened country but also entails a clash of power politics between internal and external players.  [30]  As it is the interference into the domestic politics of another country, Ignatieff stresses, nation-building has also imperial approaches.  [31]  A shift in the international discourse about an allowance of these imperial actions by putting them in the UN charter is discussed in the international community, as there is no dominant public position. But there can also be external efforts to internal nation-building that can be very helpful for the built state. A good example therefore was the nation-building in Afghanistan with the help of the USSR. Here, processes are supported from outside with positive efforts in political, social, security-policy and other domains. This is also possible in countries with different political embedding. However, then there is a greater emphasis on development and peace policies, although also other aid can be provided for a long term stabilisation.  [32]   In the case of external efforts for internal nation-building, it is important to see for the intervening state that often an area of conflict arises between the internal processes promoted and the often contradictory political objectives.  [33]   Internal nation-building should promote human rights, social equalisation, good governance and participative democracy. Imperial nation-building must recreate a nation-state and sometimes even the corresponding society. The desire to bring this about external players is the creation of an enormous dimension. However, the external governments are often not entirely conscientious of their action as they want/need to work economically and have a limited budget, while recreating a whole nation-state is financially very expensive, takes a lot of time it is calculated to take one or two generations, and is very personnel-intensive. If the intervening countries cannot fulfil these variables fully, they are likely to fail. This mostly happens in a change of government, what most likely occurs during the time frame of such an operation.  [34]   There are several fundamental problems that easily arise by imperial nation-building, meaning that one country intervenes another one and then rebuilds the nation:  [35]   Firstly, at the intervention but also throughout the whole process, there is a security problem: Usually, there is no real army to fight against, or it is just one part, but as the country is fragmented, the war is as well: Opponents are often warlords, terrorists and militias which fighters can be hardly recognised from civilians. Furthermore, their buildings are closely linked to civilians and common living spaces.(quote?) However, an army is only prepared to fight against clearly recognisable enemies and has in this case either only little power or civilian causalities need to be acceptable. The latter is usually not an option, as this is not only problematic in terms of ethics and international law but also contradictory to the overall aim, as the local people would not understand it. The second problem is the political problem of local rulers and warlords: As security is one of the major aims, for the intervening power as well as for the local population, a cooperation on the spot is often implemented. This can easily contradict to the aim of nation-building, because it usually means a cooperation with old local structures which are usually meant to be disband or with the use of other local power structures, militias, warlords and even criminal gangs as auxiliary troops. This was done by actors such as the UN (cooperation with a militia in Kosovo) and the USA (cooperation with warlords is Afghanistan and Iraq) for different interests: On the one hand, these auxiliary troops often find support in the local population and are therefore helpful, on the other hand they are potential enemies which are, at least for the time of cooperation, eliminated. This cooperation is built upon the proliferation of weapons and money towards these troops. But especially the latter becomes a problem in the further process. When peace and order are established, warlords, militias, etc. are supposed to be disarmed, what is very risky and needs a lot of money as well as personnel. A third fundamental problem is the question of resources: As already stated earlier, a nation-building process usually takes several years, a lot of money and personnel. The expected numbers are usually topped by the actual needs. A good example for this is the US intervention in Iraq, now going on for seven years instead of a supposed short-term mission by using almost double of the costs calculated.  [36]   Fourth, there is the internal political factor of the intervening state for a long term commitment. Especially in the Western world, the sense of the mission in regards of financial and human costs will be questioned after a short time. Also, due to the rise of interventions after the end of the Cold War, many states reach their military capacities by supporting one or two nation respective state-buildings (e.g. Germany with its soldiers in Kosovo and Afghanistan, the USA being in Iraq on top of its other operations). As a fifth fundamental problem, there should be mentioned conflicts of objective and means, as there is most often a conflict between the interest in actual nation-building and the interest of control. The latter needs certainly be focused on security reasons, because it can otherwise fall apart easily. In this context, nation-building becomes a means for social and political control of the country. That means that it is not any more an objective but becomes an instrument for other purposes. This comes, according to Hippler, down to three points describing the goals of imperial nation-building: [] (i) an emphasis on military, police and intelligence resources [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦]; (ii) appropriate infrastructure measures [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] and (iii) strictly regulated democratisation and participation possibilities in order to include local political forces in the administration of the country and be better accepted among the public at large [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦].  [37]   The opposite of imperial nation-building is non-imperial or development policy nation-building. Its biggest argument is that nation-building must not be seen as a blueprint of Western democracies which shall be projected on Third World countries, including economy and democratic institutions; being also a major reason for the failure in Afghanistan. Rather it should have a sound and workable concept that suits the countrys nation to be built. An example for failing on this context is the Iraq, where the USA did not have a suitable plan at all.  [38]   Best prospects nation-building has when fulfilling certain functions for the society affected. These should be articulated by socio-economic and political groups. However, nation-building is less likely to be affective after current crises, as the society is already too split. Easier it is when the society is not split yet, meaning usually a solution before a crisis starts off. While for the latter a short-term solution is likely to solve the prospects of nation-building, the former means because of the great experience of violence a more important role of control and security for the (re-)integration of society. When talking about integration, the question of a targeted disintegration may arise in the sense of ethnic cleaning in order of building separate nation states. A central argument of supporters of this thought is that in countries where is, due to e.g. a genocide, only little chance of an integration of the enemy factions and that it is close to impossible to bring integration if not wanted by any of the parties. Opponents may reply that greater trouble will occur by displacing people what definitely would need to happen in border regions, but is also likely to happen in other regions. A separation would neither solve the problem entirely as the factions are like to start a new war afterwards.  [39]   Nation-building is a painful, contradictory and complex process which promises only success, when the affected populations living standards are improved and the population connects it to nation-building. If the living circumstances stay the same in the long term it is perceived to be artificial and more and more opposition will rise. However, over a short term, nation-building is tolerated when it arouses hope for the future instead of actually bringing improvements.  [40]   As a starting point, the new nation must have the feeling that the new nation-state is and will be capable of solving problems in the populations interest. This normally includes economic and socio-political components such as a safeguarding food supply, healthcare, jobs and accommodation, but should also contain personal security and infrastructure. But cultural symbols are for the integration of a nation equally important.  [41]   Another step to be made in connection to the improvement of living standards is the implementation of politicostructural changes. An optimal starting point for these are the internal cultural and political conditions in the newly built nation. However, although it should create the prerequisites of it equality, a fair fiscal system, education, etc., it should not form democracy itself.  [42]  

Culture and Public Relations: Links and Implications

Culture and Public Relations: Links and Implications Public relations can be described as an industry which builds bridges and maintain relationships with an organization and its intended public. At its very core, public relations it about connecting people, making it a very human oriented industry. Because it is so human oriented, it results in a PR person having to interact with many people, who may come from several different cultures. Culture, as explained by Thwaites, is the ensemble of social processes by which meanings are produced, circulated, exchanged (Thwaites, Davis, Mules, 1994). In short, it is simply the production of meanings by people. It is especially important for PR activity in terms of its role in the meaning-making process. Culture is multi-discursive and can be contested. It is also dynamic and historical. This means that culture is not stagnant and can evolve over time. This essay seeks to explore the relationship between culture and public relations in depth, especially the importance of intercultural competence in relation to a PR practitioner’s work. In order for a PR practitioner to properly carry out their work, cultural research is essential. To do so, they can adopt the use of anthropology and ethnography. According to the American Anthropological Association (n.d.), anthropology is the study of humans, whether past or present. Sociocultural anthropology explores the social patterns and practices across different cultures, especially how people live, organize, govern and create meaning. Traditionally, the anthropology approach treats culture as predictive, static and a casual variable (Bardhan Weaver, 2010). However, it is still useful to examine cultures in different contexts as they offer alternative ways of thinking about public relations. On the other hand, ethnography can help PR practitioners understand public relations and its effects in different ways. As one come across research from the 1990s and 2000s, they will realize that many of these researches drew on Hofstede’s extensive studies, mapping four dimensions of national culture. These four dimensions of national cultures are: power distance, uncertainty avoidance, masculinity versus feminity and individualist versus collective. Although extensive, Hofstede’s studies show only a static understand of culture, and is focused on understanding the culture of others in order to perform business functions more effectively. In spite of that, public relations should focus more on building and maintaining multicultural relationships and communities. In this increasingly globalized world, PR practitioners are crossing borders more, whether online or offline. Effectively, PR practitioners can be said as culture workers. Because of this, PR practitioners need to have more understanding of different cultures and the cultural differences. By developing an understanding for cultural differences, they may come to realize that one approach may not work across all cultures. As such, intercultural competence is very important for a PR practitioner. Developing intercultural competence will allow for a PR practitioner to come up with better approaches when working with different cultures. One example will be the difference between PR in America and China. Using Hofstede’s dimensions, one will find that the Chinese culture is very different from the American culture. The Chinese society in China firmly believes that a wide power distance is acceptable and that inequalities are acceptable; whereas the Americans are more open and there is a very narrow power distance between the higher and lower ranking members of an organization. PR in Singapore is also vastly different to practices in China. To the Chinese, because China is such a relationship-rooted society, networking and PR activities are expected to include gifting, as well as having to â€Å"wine and dine† a client before discussing official business. In Singapore, this is not widely-practiced, and doing so may seem like one is accepting favours or bribes. Such are examples of how difference in culture may affect a PR practitioner’s approach. Cultures may also be split into three areas, namely: occupational, organizational and education and research. In occupational cultures, research has to be done as cultural concepts are key to understanding public relations â€Å"as an occupational culture as well as a form of culture-worker† (Edwards Hodges, 2011). The various roles of public relations in culture highlights many different practices, which can be applied to many aspects of client handling. PR in occupational cultures can also be said to comprise of more than one culture such as â€Å"consultancy culture† and â€Å"in-house culture†. These cultural constraints, if understood, can help explain the relationship between PR and society. On top of that, it can also shine light on how cultural and societal conventions influence the industry in different contexts, and shape expectations and generate stereotypes or caricatures (Edwards Hodges, 2011). On the other hand, PR in organizational culture approaches research very differently and for different purposes. Anthropological concepts can be used to decipher the role of public relations in order to establish dichotomy of a manager-technician (Edwards Hodges, 2011). Because the nature of a PR practitioner’s work is necessarily cultural, research is instrumental to show that they are doing more outside of what is commonly perceived of them. In educational and research cultures, PR research can be useful to provide insights into â€Å"the existence and origin of resistances and negotiation over the curriculum† (Edwards Hodges, 2011). Ethnographical research can also be used to look into the cultures of professionals and those who are involved in the education industry. Because of the diversity of cultures, a PR practitioner has to develop a set of intercultural skills which are crucial to their work. Some examples of such skills will include knowledge of the different cultures, having an open mind as well as having empathy. Intercultural skills are important to a PR practitioner simply because of the number of different cultures that they will interact with in the span of their career. More often than not, a PR practitioner will find that a single approach will not work across all cultures, that â€Å"one shoe does not fit all†. As such, honing their intercultural skills is a must in order for them to come up with cultural-appropriate approaches. Intercultural competence involves both intrapersonal and interpersonal skills. Intrapersonal competencies mostly involve cognitive skills, which is altering one’s perspective to see from another person’s perspective. It also involves self-reflection, problem solving, as well as culture-detection (Stier, 2006). In addition, it also deals with understanding why people feel certain ways as well as the implications of these feelings and how people cope with them, which may be triggered by unknown cultural settings (Stier, 2006). Interpersonal competencies, however, involves interactive skills. Skills such as being able to â€Å"detect and interpret non-verbal cues, subtle signals and emotional responses† (Steir, 2006), as well as how to respond to them fittingly. The most important aspect of intercultural competence that a PR person has to possess is arguably empathy. Empathy, according to the Merriam-Webster dictionary, is the act of understanding and being sensitive to the feelings, thoughts and experiences of another. Being a â€Å"culture worker†, a PR person’s work spans many cultures. One have to understand that imposing their own thoughts and culture on another will not go down well, and that the right approach is to instead take the time to first understand how the culture functions and produce meaning. Culture plays a very big part in a PR person’s work. It is closely related to the way a PR practitioner is able to carry out their work, and PR practitioners have to do adequate research in order to prep themselves for the different cultures they will come across. Common research methods include the anthropological and ethnographical methods. Other than research, intercultural competence is also very important to a PR person. Because we live in an increasingly globalized community, it is inevitable that we will interact with many different cultures. Understanding of these cultures and one’s own will help one to understand the differences in each other’s cultures, so as to come up with better approaches when working with them. In conclusion, PR work requires cultural competence as it negotiates cultures, crossing boundaries online and off. Practitioners have to be flexible and understand the cultural values which are the foundations of the industry, as well as understand their cultural heritage. PR work also requires global and local knowledge, so as to facilitate to different cultures. Most of all, PR people should focus on building positive multicultural relationships and communities, as well as maintaining them. References What is Anthropology? (n.d.). Retrieved May 26, 2015, from http://www.aaanet.org/about/whatisanthropology.cfm Bardhan, N., Weaver, C. (2010). Public relations in global cultural contexts (p. 298). London, Abingdon, Ox: Routledge. Definition of â€Å"Empathy†. (n.d.). Retrieved May 27, 2015, from http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/empathy Edwards, L., Hodges, C. (2011). Public relations, society culture: Theoretical and empirical explorations (1st ed.). New York, New York: Routledge. Stier, J. (2006). Internationalisation, intercultural communication and intercultural competence. Journal of Intercultural Communication, (11). Retrieved May 27, 2015, from http://www.immi.se/intercultural/nr11/stier.pdf Thwaites, T., Davis, L., Mules, W. (1994). Tools for cultural studies: An introduction (1st ed.). South Melbourne, Melbourne: Macmillan Education Australia.

European Commission’s Proposal on Software Patents :: Technology Computers Essays

European Commission’s Proposal on Software Patents The European Commission should maintain and clarify its limitations on patents for software, to fight against American mega companies attempting to globally monopolize software, to avoid the mistakes the United States has made, and to potentially let Europe emerge as a software mecca, where software can continue to make significant advancements. This viewpoint can be supported with several ethical considerations, including Ethical Egoism, Utilitarianism, and Pluralism. General View on Software Patents Purpose of a Patent Patents have a dual role in our society. An invention or new creation should be shared with the public and peers to enrich the public body of technical knowledge. In return, society rewards inventors for their efforts by giving a monopolistic control over the invention. In general, patents cover a practical implementation of an idea, as in a product, and not the idea itself. The patent system is in place to promote innovation. Patents on Software Merriam-Webster defines software as, â€Å"something used or associated with and usually contrasted with hardware: as: the entire set of programs, procedures, and related documentation associated with a system and especially a computer system; specifically : computer programs.†[1] Britannica Encyclopedia defines software as, â€Å"instructions that tell a computer what to do.†[2] These definitions of software as a set of instructions, or an associated part with hardware, immediately differentiate it from your typical invented product. By itself you do not have a product, yet United States case law has contended that once you put that software on a disc, you do have a product. Patents have been crucial to distributing your typical technical innovation. Software has no such limitation. Software ideas and innovations have spread quickly through the public domain of information. Some reasons for software distributing so quickly is its relative immaturity as a science and engineering practice, extensive freely distribution from universities, and a near direct fiscal value in general acceptance and use of a software concept[3]. Software innovation has flourished under the general availability of software code, concepts, and tools. Additionally, software is developed incrementally, building quickly on existing concepts. In general, the patent system has been shown to slow the development of incrementally developing technologies such as software[4]. Some Good Software Patents Very carefully reviewed, and perhaps shorter duration software patents could benefit innovation. A software implementation that might otherwise be kept hidden behind trade secret in a company could be revealed to the public for an exchange of monopolistic control.

Satire in George Orwells Nineteen Eighty-Four (1984) :: Nineteen Eighty-Four 1984 Essays

Satire in 1984 1984 is a political parable. George Orwell wrote the novel to show society what it could become if things kept getting worse. The first paragraph of the book tells the reader of the "swirl of gritty dust....The hallway smelt of boiled cabbage and old rag mats." Just from these few lines Orwell makes it clear that there was absolutely nothing victorious abuot Victory Mansions. Every image the reader recieves from Winston Smith is pessimistic. Hate week, for example, is a big event in Oceania. The citizens prepare for it like Christmas. Instead of jolly songs with family and friends over punch, Hate week is celebrated with fists in the air while chanting about death, Goldstien, and whatever the party wanted the citizens to disgust. Winston hates the party and Big Brother. He hates the "pure" ones, also. Everthing about Winston's life drives him closer and closer to a suicidal point each day. What makes things worse, hte Party makes Winston think that he is crazy for wanting to be free to think and for wanting to remember. These simple things are taken for granted today. George Orwell devilishly illustrates the brutality that man can be capabel of when he is given such power. The people of Oceania are forced to love Big Brother. There is possibly no one that loves Bill Clinton, besides his family. there are several that love to makes fun of him, but on the political mainstream love is not involved as it is in Oceania. The setting in itself is an extremely important part of the novel. Winston lived in a "dark, gray drab jungle." Posters of Big Brothr were everywhere. The telescreen could see and hear asmost everything that Winston did. However, Winston could hide from it long enough to write in his diary even though he knew he would get caught eventually. Winston was alienated before Julia. He didn't have much contact with other people; he was constantly hungry both physically and emotionally. However, it is ironic that Winston enjoys the work he does but he hates

The Ineffectiveness of the Film Ratings System :: Movie Film Essays

John Small, a fourteen year old boy in Uptown St. Paul, proceeds into the Suburban World Cinema, anxious to see Abel Ferrara's Bad Lieutenant. He is equipped with a parental note, replete with the phone number where his parents can be reached to verify that they did indeed author the note should its authenticity be questioned. John pushes seven crumpled-up dollar bills and the folded note into the metal dugout under the box office window, only to be met with a tinny, disinterested voice booming through the round silver speaker mounted on the window: "No children under seventeen allowed! Sorry. This note isn't gonna cut it." The incident exemplifies a pressing issue in the ever-topical discussion of the oft-vilified film rating classification system in our country. Is the movie rating system, originally designed to assist parents in guiding the movie-going habits of their children, actually preempting parental choice? To at least some people, however, Jack Valenti, the man responsible for devising the Motion Picture Association of America and the National Association of Theatre Owners, is leading the effort, as editorialist James Wall put it, "to protect children" (1227). Valenti wrote, "The voluntary Movie Rating System has one objective: to issue advance cautionary warnings to parents so they can make their own decisions about what movies their children should or should not see. No one -- appointed, anointed, or elected -- ought to insert themselves into individual parental decisions" (87). But the film classification system, designed to assist parents in making decisions about their offspring's film patronage, often thwarts that very purpose and, in the process, actually stifles the creativity and honesty of the film industry as well. Although Valenti and the Rating System's advocates claim that parents should have the final choice in what their children view, the system may, in practice, obstruct that purpose for parents who decide that their children should see some films. For films with the controversial NC-17 rating, the theatre is prevented from letting young John Small and his under-aged ilk from seeing a film despite his parents' permission. In fact, had John actually been accompanied by his parents, the theatre would have had every right -- some would even say responsibility -- to refuse his admission. The printing of the NC-17 rating often does not read -- as would be reasonable -- "Intended for Adults Only" but rather the more rigid "Not to be Attended by Children Under Seventeen.